Thanks Wer for your reply. I would like to give a line-by-line response but unfortunately the idiotic system here means if I hit quote I only have your answers, which as they were replies to specific points and can only be understood by seeing what you are replying to, would produce a page of gobbledigook. (That is not your fault. It is the damned system that prevents multiple indents. Man but I hate this new system on
p.ie!)
Regarding the President's ratification role, Article 63 gives that role to the President. Articles 10 and 10a require parliamentary ratification. What this means is that the ratification by the head of state is nominal, not activist. (We have the same here where it is the President who appoints the prime minister, but it is actually parliament that selects the person to be appointed.)
Article 63 (3) makes the government responsible for the president's executive acts in a range of areas, including treaties, with all decisions requiring counter-signature by the prime minister or a minister responsible to parliament. That is what is known as the principle of ministerial responsibility, so the President's hands are tied and what looks like a major power in reality can only be exercised through the government in a manner which reflects parliament's wishes. Article 67 makes the government, not the President, the supreme executive power, and Article 68 makes the government answerable to parliament.
The President's claim that Lisbon replaces the Accession treaty suggests he has little grasp of law. Accession Treaties are enabling treaties that bring the two primary treaties, Rome and Maastricht, into Czech law. Lisbon is an amendment of those treaties, not the Accession Treaty.
Legally international treaties must receive parliamentary sanction. The President cannot block them as such a block would require countersignature from a minister answerable to the parliament that had approved it.
The President is not, BTW, the representative of the people on international treaties. He is the representative of the Czech state, and executive authority is vested in the constitution in the government, not him.
If Klaus tried to block the treaty he would be breaching a series of constitutional articles. He would also be provoking a constitutional crisis akin to the dismissal crisis in Australia that surrounded Sir John Kerr. Those sort of crises are nicknamed 'nuclear crises' by political scientists and lawyers. The head of state or resident head of state never wins. All they do is destroy themselves, severely damage their office and usually end up in the end resigning or being removed from office. The Prime Minister had already announced that if the court rules in favour of the treaty he will be introducing the treaty into parliament early next year. So Klaus would put himself on collision course with parliament (where there is a clear cross-party majority behind it), the government (which backs it) and the courts. The constitution makes clear that while the president ratifies the treaty, he does so on the basis of countersignature by government, and cannot act independently in the area.