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Thread: New Immigration, Residence and Protection Bill 2010 published

  1. #161
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    Those considering voting Labour for the first time would do well to take note of Michael D's opposition to the Immigration, Residence and Protection Bill's introduction of summary-deportations for failed asylum-seekers.
    What do you make of Dermo's insistence that there will be no summary-deportations for failed asylum-seekers?

    Legal provision for 'summary' deportations a myth - Minister

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    Quote Originally Posted by Sean O'Brian View Post
    What do you make of Dermo's insistence that there will be no summary-deportations for failed asylum-seekers?

    Legal provision for 'summary' deportations a myth - Minister
    It's largely word-games and comes down to how you define "summary". Labour define it as deportation without appeal, whereas Ahern seems to define it as deportation without due-process. As such, Dermot Ahern is saying that although one can be deported without appeal, that it still isn't a "summary" deportation because due process will have happened and thereby determined that a would-be deportee is in the country illegally and can therefore be deported. Labour's position on the 14-days for appeal is a recipe for lining the pockets of the many barristers in that party. It also puzzles me how the Left can reconcile both decrying the "lengthy delays" of the asylum-system while also supporting lengthy appeals against deportation.
    Quote Originally Posted by Irish Times
    The legislation, he said, made clear that the removal of a foreign national from the State would only arise where the person concerned, being unlawfully present in the State, had demonstrably failed to comply with obligations concerning his or her presence
    Imho, the most important reason for the new legislation is the existing labyrinthine appeals-system which has resulted in 77% of deportation-orders not being enforced - either because of cases-pending for years, or because failed asylum-seekers went on the run (an estimated 6,000 did this). More information from the Dail debate on Wednesday:
    Quote Originally Posted by Dermot Ahern 06/10/10
    The Bill effects a radical restructuring of the State’s asylum determination processes. It has been apparent for some time that the principal question that most protection claimants want answered is not “Will you recognise me as a refugee?” but “Can I stay?”. That question is currently answered in a multi-stage process whereby the first aspect examined, by the independent Refugee Applications Commissioner, is whether the applicant is a refugee. Most negative determinations of that aspect are appealed to the independent Refugee Appeals Tribunal. Following a negative determination on appeal, there is a lengthy process whereby the Minister must determine whether the person is eligible for subsidiary protection and if there are other reasons why the person should be let stay. This sequential process is cumbersome, ineffective and inefficient and causes inevitable delays in the final decision; and delay itself can affect what the final decision is to be.
    Who can possibly defend such a convoluted and lengthy appeals system?

    That is why the IRP will require asylum seekers to give all their reasons for applying for asylum at the beginning of the process rather than later on:
    Quote Originally Posted by Dermot Ahern
    The Bill introduces a single procedure wherein the protection applicant will be required to set out all of the grounds, including protection grounds under the Geneva Convention and the EU asylum qualification directive on which he or she wishes to remain in the State. Those grounds will be investigated by the Minister and the outcome of the investigation could be that the person is either allowed to remain in the State on refugee grounds or subsidiary protection grounds and is granted a protection declaration or is not granted protection but allowed to remain in the State on other discretionary grounds and is granted a residence permit on that basis, or is not allowed to remain in the State and is thus required to leave or be removed.
    The introduction of the single procedure will bring the State into line with processes in many other European states. Under the Bill, the functions currently carried out by the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner will be subsumed into the Irish Naturalisation and Immigration Service, INIS, the administrative agency of my Department. The present statutory provisions for UNHCR to have access to information about cases and to be present if it wishes at individual interviews are restated, and it is my intention to continue the co-operation that has existed with UNHCR, in particular in regard to that body’s signal contribution so far to training of staff in the refugee decision-making process. The UNHCR has stated at many meetings with me that it wishes to see the expeditious passage of this Bill.
    Note for Left-Liberals and the Labour Party in particular: the UNHCR supports this Bill. That proves it isn't racist.

    More information on the Bill from the Dail debate on 06/10/10:
    Quote Originally Posted by Dermot Ahern
    This new Bill represents a further development and enhancement of the provisions contained in the Immigration, Residence and Protection Bill 2008 and takes account of concerns and amendments put forward during the debates on that Bill. Deputies will recall that the Committee Stage debate was particularly detailed and lasted almost 33 hours over 13 sitting days. Prior to the commencement of that debate, the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, [COLOR=#0066cc]Defence[/COLOR] and Women’s Rights considered 57 written submissions on the Bill and invited selected groups to attend before the committee to explore issues that could impact on the Bill.
    There was an extensive debate on the 2008 Bill. Arising from the detailed consideration of the Bill by the House, in excess of 200 substantive or non-technical Government amendments were prepared for Report Stage. I accepted the considerable number of amendments which were tabled by the Opposition. I agreed during Committee Stage to reconsider some of the amendments. We tabled our own amendments along the lines of the amendments suggested by the Opposition. In addition, we tabled additional amendments on Committee Stage and we undertook to prepare further amendments for Report Stage. I was concerned that the nature and number of the amendments might be considered burdensome for the House to deal with on Report Stage. In other words, we were going to deal with amendments of previous amendments that had been tabled. I decided to discuss the matter of how to proceed with Opposition spokespersons on justice. Based on those initial discussions I obtained Government approval to publish a new Bill inclusive of the amendments rather than continue with the 2008 Bill. It was decided with the Opposition’s consent that we would proceed to withdraw the Bill which had been substantially amended and was due to be further amended on Report Stage and that we would incorporate as many of the amendments as possible that were made on Committee Stage in the new Bill. I express my appreciation to the Opposition spokespersons for the consensus reached on the matter. This is a better way to proceed. It is clearer and easier for all of us who will deal with the Bill on Committee and Report Stages.
    It is generally accepted that the current body of immigration law no longer provides Government with the tools it needs for the job of managing modern migration. The Bill provides, for the first time, a comprehensive framework on which there can be a wide range of immigration policies designed to suit different people in different circumstances, as the need arises. It pulls together all of the State’s immigration and refugee legislation with some important changes and expands on it enormously. In doing so, it provides a single point of reference for immigration and protection legislation and will support a variety of detailed immigration policies relating to different circumstances and categories of migrant and visitor. While catering for the changing needs of Irish society, it will ensure that people are treated fairly and reasonably and will provide greater certainty on the procedural aspects of the immigration process. This will, I believe, facilitate the delivery of a more efficient immigration service.
    The Bill effects a radical restructuring of the State’s asylum determination processes. It has been apparent for some time that the principal question that most protection claimants want answered is not “Will you recognise me as a refugee?” but “Can I stay?”. That question is currently answered in a multi-stage process whereby the first aspect examined, by the independent Refugee Applications Commissioner, is whether the applicant is a refugee. Most negative determinations of that aspect are appealed to the independent Refugee Appeals Tribunal. Following a negative determination on appeal, there is a lengthy process whereby the Minister must determine whether the person is eligible for subsidiary protection and if there are other reasons why the person should be let stay. This sequential process is cumbersome, ineffective and inefficient and causes inevitable delays in the final decision; and delay itself can affect what the final decision is to be.
    The Bill introduces a single procedure wherein the protection applicant will be required to set out all of the grounds, including protection grounds under the Geneva Convention and the EU asylum qualification directive on which he or she wishes to remain in the State. Those grounds will be investigated by the Minister and the outcome of the investigation could be that the person is either allowed to remain in the State on refugee grounds or subsidiary protection grounds and is granted a protection declaration or is not granted protection but allowed to remain in the State on other discretionary grounds and is granted a residence permit on that basis, or is not allowed to remain in the State and is thus required to leave or be removed.
    The introduction of the single procedure will bring the State into line with processes in many other European states. Under the Bill, the functions currently carried out by the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner will be subsumed into the Irish Naturalisation and Immigration Service, INIS, the administrative agency of my Department. The present statutory provisions for UNHCR to have access to information about cases and to be present if it wishes at individual interviews are restated, and it is my intention to continue the co-operation that has existed with UNHCR, in particular in regard to that body’s signal contribution so far to training of staff in the refugee decision-making process. The UNHCR has stated at many meetings with me that it wishes to see the expeditious passage of this Bill.
    The Refugee Appeals Tribunal will be replaced by the protection review tribunal, which will be statutorily independent and will deal with appeals against a refusal to grant refugee status or subsidiary protection under the EU qualification directive. This is an expanded remit for the appeals body and it underpins the State’s commitment to those in need of protection. Other differences provided for in the Bill include provisions to increase consistency of decision-making and the possibility of full-time members of the tribunal.
    The new approach to protection applications will result in a more streamlined and efficient process which will ensure that a protection applicant receives a quick and comprehensive answer to the whole question, “Can I stay?”. In this fashion, it ensures that the State’s obligations under the Geneva convention on refugees and other international instruments designed to offer protection from persecution and other dangers will continue to be fully respected and enshrined in law while reducing the scope for abuses of the arrangements.
    It is a fundamental principle of our immigration law that a foreign national has no right, as such, to enter or be in Ireland. There is considerable jurisprudential authority which makes clear that the State has not only the power - a power exercised mainly by the Minister for Justice and Law Reform - to manage the entry into, presence in and removal from the State of non-nationals, but also has a duty to do so in protection of the interests of Irish society and the integrity of the State’s immigration processes. The Supreme Court has continuously affirmed and adopted the well-known passage outlining the role of the State in the control of foreign nationals as described by Mr. Justice Gannon in Osheku v. Ireland, where he stated:
    [T]hat it is in the interests of the common good of a State that it should have control of the entry of aliens, their departure and their activities and duration of stay within the State is and has been recognised universally and from earliest times. There are fundamental rights of the State itself as well as fundamental rights of the individual citizen, and the protection of the former may involve restrictions in circumstances of necessity on the latter. The integrity of the State constituted as it is for the collective body of its citizens within the national territory must be defended and vindicated by the organs of the State and by the citizens so that there may be true social order within the territory and concord maintained with other nations in accordance with the objectives declared in the preamble to the Constitution.
    In the Bode case in 2007, Ms Justice Denham reaffirmed the position as outlined in the Osheku case and added that:
    While steps taken by a State are often restrictive of the movement of foreign nationals, the State may also exercise its powers so as to take actions in a particular situation where it has been determined that the common good is served by giving benefits of residency to a category of foreign nationals - as a gift, in effect.
    It is interesting that the Supreme Court described as a “gift” the giving of benefits of residence. This ties in generally with the proposition that, under this Bill, a foreign national may be granted a “permission” to enter or to reside in the State. The granting of such permission is a matter of sovereignty, here as in other jurisdictions... First, Ireland as a member of the European Union fully respects the treaty rights of EU citizens who wish to come here to participate in the Irish economy and society. We do not speak of permitting or allowing them to come or be here; we facilitate their presence here because it is their right. Second, Ireland is a party to the Geneva convention on the status of refugees and its related protocol. We have thereby committed ourselves, and continue to do so, as a reflection of the State’s commitment to human rights on the international level, to allow refugees to remain in the State. As part of this obligation, we admit to the State, on a provisional and temporary basis, people who would in normal circumstances be refused permission to enter but who assert that they have need of the protection afforded by the refugee convention. Third, it is also a well-established principle that the longer a foreign national resides lawfully in the State, there can be some entitlement to be allowed to continue to do so provided there is no failure to comply with the requirements of immigration law and the person has not engaged in criminal activity...It follows from what I have said that the primary purpose of having or developing immigration policies is, as it must be, to serve the interests of the State. In the operation of their immigration policies, all states exercise choices - that is a feature of the sovereign power of states. The guiding principle underlying Irish immigration policy choices is the protection of the interests of Irish society and the making of those choices is a function of the Government, exercised through the Minister for Justice and Law Reform of the day. In essence, therefore, the Bill will provide the framework within which immigration policy choices will be made, spelling out the processes involved in making and implementing those choices, and ensuring that any negative choices, once made, are followed through and enforced. A good deal of the policy of the Bill will be fleshed out in regulations but those regulations will be based on the principles and policies contained in the Bill.
    Before indicating to the House what the Bill generally contains by way of those principles and policies, I want to outline to the House how the Bill addresses some of the issues that were raised during debate on the 2008 Bill. The question has arisen as to whether there should be a reference to what has been termed the “best interest of the child” in the context of all decisions being made under the Bill. This proposition was included in a Committee Stage amendment tabled by Deputy Rabbitte and I undertook to consult the Attorney General on the matter. On the basis of those consultations, I am satisfied that the Bill already, where necessary, caters for the special position of children.
    In all instances where an immigration officer or a member of the Garda Síochána has concerns about a foreign national under the age of 18 years, whether or not accompanied, the Health Service Executive is to be notified and the child automatically becomes a person to whom the Child Care Acts 1991 to 2007 apply. Section 3(2)(b) of the Child Care Act 1991 is explicit about how the [COLOR=#0066cc]HSE[/COLOR] is to treat the welfare of every child who is not receiving adequate care and protection - it is required to regard the welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration. This formulation is modelled on section 3 of the Guardianship of Infants Act 1964, as amended, which sets out how a court dealing with matters affecting the guardianship, custody or property of a child is to regard the child’s welfare. The formulation is restated at section 24 of the Child Care Act 1991 for court proceedings under that Act.
    The advice available to me is that an amendment of the Bill along the lines that have been suggested would create a risk that the child could be used effectively as a means to secure the presence in the State of an accompanying adult, notwithstanding that the child would not ordinarily be allowed to enter or be present in the State. I believe this potential outcome is undesirable, detrimental to the best interests of the child and could indirectly encourage and facilitate child trafficking. Upon being granted an entry or residence permission, the person will be aware of the conditions attaching to that permission, including its expiry date. If he or she remains in the State beyond that date, his or her presence will be unlawful. Unlawful presence in the State is an arrestable offence......Part 2 lays down the core principles that guide the Bill. One of these principles is that a foreign national will be lawfully present in the State only if he or she has a current valid entry or residence permission to be in the State. If a person is unlawfully in the State, he or she will thereupon be under an immediate and continuing obligation to leave. As with the previous text, the Bill ensures access to certain essential services, including medical services and other emergency provisions that may be prescribed. At the suggestion of Deputies, I have sought to provide more clarity in the text on this matter.
    Part 3 sets out a new statutory process for making and determining visa applications. A visa is not the same as a residence permission; it is a permission to arrive at a frontier in order to apply for permission to enter the State. The visa process offers to immigration authorities the opportunity to pre-clear an intending visitor or migrant. A person to whom a visa has been issued can be reasonably confident of being allowed to enter the State on arrival.
    Part 4 sets out what is to happen when a foreign national arrives at the frontiers of the State and other aspects of frontier operations, including carrier liability for ensuring that passengers have a passport and, where necessary, a visa. There is a key change to this Part whereby a person who is refused entry to the State on health grounds, but who is so infectious as to preclude both return on a passenger vehicle and permission to be at large in the State, can be detained under section 38 of the Health Act 1947 until such time as he or she is certified not to be a probable source of infection.
    Part 5 sets out a framework whereby the grant of residence permission will be the basis for lawful residence in the State. It contains detailed processes for renewal, non-renewal and revocation of residence permissions. A key change is the extent to which the Bill imposes greater notice requirements on the Minister and provides for additional review processes.
    The long-term residence provisions have been modified to provide more clarity as to long-term residence generally. For example, there is now an application process for a long-term residence permission and the residence requirements contained in the standard eligibility requirements are being amended to require the applicant to have been continuously resident in the State for a period of 12 months immediately before the date of the application.
    Part 6 deals with the process for removing a person who is unlawfully in the State. Key changes in this Part include greater clarity as to when a foreign national can be arrested for the purposes of removal and when there can be the possibility to impose residence and reporting requirements on a foreign national instead of that person being arrested and detained. There is also a requirement for the giving of notices.
    A fundamental safeguard in the removal process is the rule against refoulement, that is, not to return a person to a place where he or she could be harmed. This overarching principle ensures that any decision to remove a person from the State is in compliance with the State’s international human rights obligations.
    Part 7 retains most of the provisions from the 2008 Bill, but I will outline some of the new key provisions. First, the provision allowing for detention of a protection applicant pending the issue of a protection application entry permit has been removed. Instead, the Bill allows for a requirement to be imposed on the protection applicant to remain in a specified place pending the issue of that permit. Second, the Part provides for the implementation of Articles 25 and 26 of the asylum procedures directive, which enable certain protection applications to be determined to be inadmissible. Third, there is further elaboration of the process whereby a person who has been granted a protection declaration can exercise the right to family re-unification in the State. Fourth, there are some new terms of office for the chairperson and members of the protection review tribunal and modified arrangements applicable to the advisory committee. Fifth, the text better reflects the safe country of origin and safe third country provisions of the asylum procedures directive. Last, the Bill allows for the making of regulations that might be needed to implement a safe third country agreement and those that might be necessary for the purposes of the Dublin II regulation.
    Part 8 includes key changes that provide a comprehensive framework for information, including biometric, to be collected and processed for immigration purposes. These provisions have been carefully developed in consultation with the Attorney General to ensure they are fully in compliance with the requirements of data protection legislation and relevant jurisprudence. Part 8 also makes clear the circumstances in which judicial reviews must be initiated within 14 days of a decision having been made. Provision is also made to prevent the misuse of the judicial process by a foreign national, or his or her legal representative, solely for the purposes of frustrating removal from the State of the foreign national. The provision is based on Order 99 Rule 7 of the rules of the superior courts which already allows the court discretion, in circumstances of misconduct or default by a solicitor, to require that solicitor to repay to his client any costs which the client may have been ordered to pay to any other person. I am satisfied there is a need for such a provision in the legislation and, accordingly, it is retained in the Bill.
    Deputies will be aware that early in 2009 I circulated the draft text of my proposals on marriages of convenience which aim to tackle those who circumvent the immigration controls of the State and try to reduce marriage to a commodity to be traded and exploited. The proposals also aim to protect the vulnerable who may be duped or coerced into entering into such arrangements.
    It will now be possible to make regulations providing for more favourable treatment of those who are under the age of 18 years. The provisions in the Bill will also allow the Minister to give directions in respect of any matter relating to the entry into or presence in the State of a particular foreign national or class of foreign national. I again draw attention to the absolute prohibition on refoulement in the Bill. I am satisfied that these provisions provide a sufficient guarantee that a victim of trafficking will be treated in a manner sympathetic to his or her individual circumstances. In addition, Part 8 contains provisions relating to the provision of bonds, deposits and guarantees in certain circumstances, including a provision whereby a company can be a guarantor.
    In regard to the annual statistical report on immigration matters, the reporting by my Department of statistics on the number of visas and permissions that are processed during the previous calendar year and the number of protection applicants will now be a requirement under the Bill. This issue was raised as being necessary by Deputies on all sides of the House.
    Part 9 is directed at preventing entry into the State or any other member state from outside the EU by persons who are not entitled to entry and is also aimed at those who facilitate such entry. Part 9 has two main functions. First, it provides for the implementation in domestic law of the following three international instruments concerning people smuggling: the EU Council Directive 2002/90/EC defining the facilitation of unauthorised entry, transit and residence; the EU framework decision 2002/946/JHA on the strengthening of the penal framework to prevent the facilitation of unauthorised entry, transit and residence; and the UN protocol against the smuggling of migrants by Iand, sea and air, supplementing the UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime.
    Part 9 addresses difficulties experienced in the operation of the Illegal Immigrants Trafficking Act 2000. I refer to the requirement in section 2 of that Act that for a prosecution to be successful the prosecutor must show that smuggling was undertaken “for gain”. Evidence to satisfy this requirement is very hard to come by. If, for example, money is paid to the smuggler, the payment will almost certainly be in cash and impossible to trace. The payment will in almost all cases be made outside the jurisdiction, and probably outside the EU. In addition, victims will often be too frightened to co-operate with the prosecution. The net result is that the prosecutor is faced with a threshold which is virtually impossible to meet. Such a situation hinders the fight against people-smuggling and prevents us from playing our full part internationally. It is, in effect, counter to public policy and the public interest.
    Cases can arise where smuggling may be the only way of protecting persons who are in danger. I am providing, therefore, a [COLOR=#0066cc]defence[/COLOR] in circumstances where the smuggling was for the purposes of protecting the person, provided this was carried out by an employee of a recognised organisation and is without charge. I propose also that the [COLOR=#0066cc]defence[/COLOR] be restricted in this way because to do otherwise could encourage well-meaning but ill-informed individuals to undertake adventures that could require them to seek the assistance of organised smuggling gangs. Smuggling is a dangerous activity that can expose those involved to serious harm. We must discourage efforts that expose persons, be it the well-intentioned smuggler or the smuggled person, to such harm. Organisations of the type envisaged - it will be for the court in each case to adjudicate on the bona fidesof the organisation - will have the means to ensure the protection of those at risk. As the provisions of Part 9 will represent all of the law on smuggling of persons, the Bill provides for the repeal of the Act of 2000. Part 10 contains important transitional provisions that develop considerably on those in the 2008 Bill.
    This Bill represents the most comprehensive piece of immigration legislation since the foundation of the State. It will provide the capacity not only to devise but to implement immigration policies that complement policies across all areas of Government. It will provide the tools that will enable our immigration system to be responsive to the current needs of the State and also to the challenges, both economic and social, that may arise in the future. It has been devised and developed to put in place procedures and processes that incorporate fairness at every stage. At the same time, it includes effective measures to combat abuse of those procedures and processes. I believe that, when enacted, it will underpin a comprehensive transformation of our immigration and protection systems and will provide consistency and predictability in regard to decision-making in individual cases.
    Last edited by FutureTaoiseach; 8th October 2010 at 12:48 AM.

  3. #163
    Politics.ie Member FutureTaoiseach's Avatar
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    Alan Shatter's response proves that FG cannot be trusted on immigration-policy. He wants the decisions of immigration-officers to be subject to appeal. Such a proposal would result in clogging up the courts with thousands of additional appeals. This is unacceptable:
    Quote Originally Posted by Alan Shatter
    The general or abstract concepts of national security, public security, public order and public policy are, of course, familiar concepts in the context of immigration legislation in other states as well as Ireland. These should be defined in the plain text of the Bill to clarify the ambit of the powers that immigration officers or the Minister have with reference to these grounds. It is vital that the Bill ensures that anyone subject to an adverse immigration or residence decision has the right to appeal against the decision. A grieved person should have a right of access to a wholly independent appeals system, to challenge the merits of the decision made against him or her. There is a belief, based on credible evidence, that the current system has, at times, been contaminated by bias and maladministration. Due process requires Government to provide a fair process, essentially adequate notice, a hearing, reasons and an impartial decision maker. It is so essential to fairness that for decades judges have referred to due process as an essential component of natural and constitutional justice. The establishment of an independent appeals tribunal to deal with immigration related decisions is the only way to ensure access to fair procedures and effective remedies for migrants and their family members.
    He also wants automatic permanent-residency to be granted to all foreign-nationals living here lawfully for 5 years.
    Many of those awaiting a decision on citizenship are obliged while waiting to apply to INIS, which is a different section of the Department, for the renewal of their residence visas. Long-term residence should not for the majority require the making of a citizenship application. The Minister should have created in this Bill a statutory right to permanent residence for migrants who have lawfully resided in Ireland for five years or more. This practice is common in other EU member states. The Government has skulked away from opting into Council Directive 2003/109/EC, which concerns the status of third-country nationals who are long-term residents. The Government has only to invoke the elementary dictates of decent, civilised politics to accept the measures embodied in the directive, including a permanent immigration status with clearly defined rights and obligations.
    This is unacceptable as it would prevent the Irish govt from protecting the labour-market from cheap-labour from outside the EEA.
    Last edited by FutureTaoiseach; 8th October 2010 at 01:07 AM.

  4. #164
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    A Guide to the Rights of family Reunification in Ireland Source

    Irish Citizen: No right
    Non-EEA spouse of Irish Citizen: No right
    EU Citizen: yes, automatic right
    Non-EEA spouse of EU Citizen: yes, automatic right
    Non-EEA Citizen (green card holder): yes, automatic right
    Non-EEA Citizen (work permit holder): yes, after 12 months
    Refugee: yes, automatic right

    Do you not see anything wrong here... ?

  5. #165
    Politics.ie Member FutureTaoiseach's Avatar
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    Shatter opposes removing the 1999 Immigration Act's requirement of 14 days to challenge deportations. That underlines that FG cannot be trusted to crack down on the industry of asylum-appeals. Shatter admits that there are a staggering 11,000 asylum and immigration-related Judicial Reviews as of June 2010:
    Quote Originally Posted by Alan Shatter 06/10/10
    Currently, a person who has entered the State unlawfully can be removed on foot of a deportation order. A person in receipt of such an order is given 15 working days to make submissions explaining why he or she should not be deported. The repeal of section 3 of the Immigration Act 1999 without an equivalent replacement in this Bill may lead to the summary deportation of vulnerable migrants who may have become unlawfully resident in the State through no fault of their own. An example of such a person could be the dependent wife victim of domestic violence no longer resident with her husband and who through circumstances has had no choice but to obtain employment. Another example is that of the undocumented migrant who has been exploited by an employer and who could be prevented from taking the employer to court to claim unpaid wages and instead be put on an aeroplane and deported.
    It seems that Shatter wants to have it both ways: on the one hand decrying the lengthy resort to the courts for asylum-appeals on the one hand - and opposition to removing the right to appeal on the other hand. In that respect his approach echoes that of groups like the ICI:
    Quote Originally Posted by Alan Shatter
    During the Committee Stage debate on the 2008 Bill, the Minister said that about 60% of all judicial review applications taken to the High Court related to asylum or immigration decisions. As at 31 July 2010, more than 11,000 such cases seeking judicial review awaited hearing in the High Court. The estimated cost to the taxpayer of judicial reviews in 2007 was between €11 million and €12 million. In the UK, by way of contrast, the cost of an appeal to its Asylum and Immigration Tribunal in 2005-2006 was £760 sterling. This included all judicial costs, the price of accommodation, and the cost of providing an interpreter when required. On simple financial grounds there is an irrefutable case for the establishment of such an appeals tribunal in view of the substantial reduction in judicial review applications to the High Court that would result. It is inexplicable that the Minister has failed to make such provision in this Bill.
    Alan Shatter welcomes the introduction of a requirement for all grounds for subsidiary to be stated at the beginning of the application:
    Quote Originally Posted by Alan Shatter
    The provisions in the Bill that facilitate the determination of all these issues in a single application are welcome, as is the general provision made for the creation of a protection review tribunal. Crucial to the operation of such a tribunal is the publication of its decisions, which would allow a general understanding of the manner in which the provisions contained in the Bill are applied to individual cases. This would also be a means of ensuring that fully reasoned, fair and consistent decisions are made and that appellants’ individual circumstances and fears are truly considered and properly assessed.
    This is important to stop the existing abuse of process whereby a failed asylum-seeker who has lost their Judicial Reviews against deportation will then keep citing new grounds for leave to remain in each new appeal.
    Quote Originally Posted by acme View Post
    A Guide to the Rights of family Reunification in Ireland Source

    Irish Citizen: No right
    Non-EEA spouse of Irish Citizen: No right
    EU Citizen: yes, automatic right
    Non-EEA spouse of EU Citizen: yes, automatic right
    Non-EEA Citizen (green card holder): yes, automatic right
    Non-EEA Citizen (work permit holder): yes, after 12 months
    Refugee: yes, automatic right

    Do you not see anything wrong here... ?
    The rights of EU citizens are subject to EU law and Ireland - with a 0.85% voting-weight on the Council of Ministers and 12 seats in the EP out of over 700 - is relatively powerless to change their situation. We can only work with what we have. I firmly believe that the problem of sham-marriages paid for by non-EEA citizens to EU citizens must be addressed and that this Bill is part and parcel of so doing.
    Last edited by FutureTaoiseach; 8th October 2010 at 01:26 AM.

  6. #166
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    Quote Originally Posted by FutureTaoiseach View Post
    The old version of the Bill was withdrawn earlier in the year following hundreds of wrecking-amendments in Committee by the Opposition (especially Labour with its absurd demand that illegal immigrants who claim to have been trafficked should be allowed a 6-month visa automatically even if they refuse to cooperate in prosecutions of traffickers). The bill would:

    - Remove the requirement to give notice to failed asylum-seekers of their deportation by repealing section 3 of the Immigration-Act 1999. That compares with the existing right to appeal deportaton within 15 days of notification of the deportation-order. This is necessary because 6,000 failed asylum-seekers have gone on the run to evade deportation and more would follow unless notice of date of deportation is abolished.

    - Requires immigrants to enter via "approved ports" and present themselves to an Immigration-Officer. This could reduce the incentive to enter via NI, from where 90% of our asylum-seekers enter the state (according to the govt).

    - Require the presentation of travel-documents at the frontiers of the State except for Irish/UK nationals.

    - introduces new offences (Section 149) of knowingly facilitating the entry of illegal-immigrants into the State.

    This is a welcome and much overdue piece of legislation and it is imperative that on this occasion, the Government govern instead of pandering to an Opposition without (in 2010) a mandate to govern. Cosy-consensus is harmful to the democratic-process because it allows a minority to dictate to a majority. It is imperative that on this occasion, the Government pass the Bill. Write to Brian Cowen, Dermot Ahern and John Gormley to push for its enactment this year. In a recession charity must begin at home. We cannot afford the annual asylum-bill of €300 million, wasted on property-moguls and free legal-aid. We must send a message that another PAMA-style asylum-scam will not be tolerated still less rewarded.

    As ever, the dogooders in the Immigrant Council of Ireland are not to be outdone in the bleeding-heart stakes:
    This organisation also campaigned vociferously against the Citizenship Referendum in 2004 and as such lacks credibility as a barometer of public-opinion. Pass the Bill!!!!
    Well said good man.
    The man responsible for asylum-seekers cases wrote a article in the IT recently where he said 90% of the cases that come before him are bogus!!!

  7. #167
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    The man responsible for asylum-seekers cases wrote a article in the IT recently where he said 90% of the cases that come before him are bogus!!!
    Do you have a link or title? I'd like to read that.

  8. #168
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    Quote Originally Posted by Bi ciuin View Post
    USA

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    USCIS Home Page


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    Entire Site Visas & Immigration Living in Australia Business Services Managing Australia's Borders Forms & Booklets Media About the Department Contact Us Citizenship


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    Visas, Immigration and Refugees

    Visitors

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    Could not have said it better myself Bi ciuin!

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    Quote Originally Posted by FutureTaoiseach View Post
    I firmly believe that the problem of sham-marriages paid for by non-EEA citizens to EU citizens must be addressed and that this Bill is part and parcel of so doing.
    Firstly, the scope of this Bill is limited to Irish and Non-EU citizens.
    Its nothing to do with EU citizens.
    10.—(1) Nothing in this Act shall be construed as affecting any obligation of the State under a European act.
    But there is a common excuse repeated by the Irish politicians each time they introduce further draconian immigration laws, It’s to combat bogus marriages. There are a few problem with this excuse. Firstly, they have not passed any legislation that makes a bogus marriage a crime. Instead they have removed all the rights and dignity given to Irish married families, Secondly they suggest there it is a massive problem, yet they cannot provide any genuine figures, only hearsay.

    There was a case in 1987 in an Irish Embassy. The staff where selling Irish passports under the post-nuptial scheme, and inserting fake paperwork. The individual concerned was convicted of fraud and given a custodial sentence, However this caused a lot of embarrassment to the Government.

    But instead of going after the corrupt Irish Officials, the Government decided to attack genuine Irish families, both at home and abroad. Using this abuse by Irish Embassy staff as a reason to remove the post-nuptial citizenship from Irish families.
    Last edited by acme; 8th October 2010 at 07:02 PM.

  10. #170
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    Another welcome aspect of the Bill opposed by Shatter is the power of the Chairman of the Protection Review Tribunal to veto the publication of material pertinent of a decision on an asylum-application. This is necessary to prevent the media making a case a cause-celebre which pressures politicians to roll over and grant asylum to bogus asylum-seekers.
    Quote Originally Posted by Alan Shatter
    A cause of major concern relates to section 107 of the Bill, which facilitates the chairman of the new tribunal in exercising a power of veto over the publication of decisions made on appeal. The provisions in this section remain entirely unsatisfactory and inappropriate and require fundamental change on Committee Stage. Not only a protection applicant and his or her legal representative but the general public, including Members of this House, should have access to decisions delivered by the tribunal to understand the workings of the legislation, as should the media generally. There is no reason that publication of decisions could not reflect the principles applied to the publication of judgments by the High Court of family law proceedings in which the general background circumstances are disclosed together with the legal reasoning and decision made while the anonymity of individuals, where required, is preserved.
    Shatter also makes a thinly-disguised appeal for some kind of amnesty for illegal-immigrants:
    To avoid charges of hypocrisy and to give credibility to any such representations we may make in the future in Washington, should we not also show the same level of consideration and humanity to our undocumented immigrants as we expect be shown to the undocumented Irish in the United States? A public discussion is required on whether provision should be made in the Bill to address the circumstances of those undocumented migrants who have been resident in this State for an extended period of time and who took up residence here a substantial period of time prior to the publication of this Bill.
    Shatter keeps digging by calling for asylum-seekers to be granted the right to work - in spite of the fact that when this was tried in 1999, it led to a tripling of average monthly asylum-claims:
    In some other European Union countries applications for protection are fully processed and dealt with in six months and where this does not occur and there are delays that are not the fault of the applicant, temporary permission is granted to facilitate an applicant becoming either self-employed or obtaining employment. According to the Minister’s own statistics, it is costing taxpayers on average €770.28 per month to maintain a single applicant in direct provision. The introduction of such a regime could result in substantial savings to the State and would facilitate our harnessing the talents of many of those who have sought asylum here to the benefit of the State.
    Pat Rabbitte's response to the legislation: he opposes 'summary deportations' but suggests Labour will not obstruct the bill:
    Quote Originally Posted by Pat Rabbitte
    or longer than a decade the need a landmark statute to govern migration into the State has been generally acknowledged. Few people disagreed with a Minister for State in a previous Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats Government, Liz O’Donnell, when she described her own Government’s policy on asylum as a shambles, yet all these years later we still have not managed to put a rational, comprehensive consistent immigration Act in place. The Bill is the third incarnation of such legislation in more than eight years. Against that background the Labour Party is not minded to obstruct the early passage of this Bill. We intend on this occasion to focus on a small number of important issues in respect of which we will endeavour to change the Minister’s mind.
    In our consideration of the Immigration, Residence and Protection Bill 2008, Deputy Naughten and I devoted many hours to hearing from interested non-governmental and civil society organisations. Perhaps it is a defect of our committee system that it is only Opposition spokespersons who entertain such submissions. The relevant Minister is not present at these meetings. In this instance, the organisations at the coalface devoted a great deal of painstaking effort to an analysis of the 2008 Bill and made not only criticisms, but also recommendations for improvement. Other than the infrequent prospect of a direct meeting with a Minister’s officials, the opportunity for interested parties to argue the detail and rationale for their cases is not afforded to them...
    The new Bill does incorporate some improvements and I welcome that fact. Long-term residence will now be on a statutory basis, although the eligibility criteria may still be disputed. On the topical and important matter of human trafficking, the new Bill has extended the recovery and reflection period from 45 days to 60 days and perhaps longer for child victims of trafficking. I welcome that and the Minister acknowledged that it was discussed at some length on Committee Stage of the previous Bill. The marriage ban is gone although the Minister is empowered to disregard a particular marriage where he determines it to be a marriage of convenience. A person may not be disqualified for a residence permit where he has been convicted of an offence unless the offence committed would constitute an offence in Ireland.
    There are other welcome changes and I do not propose to go through them all. However, the Minister will know that there remains concerns about the summary deportation provision. What the Minister said about this in his speech was somewhat disingenuous. Reading his paragraph devoted to the removal of foreign nationals, the only conclusion one can make is that of course it provides for summary deportation. Deputy Shatter has dealt at some length with that issue. It is probably the major issue that concerns an array of NGOs and other organisations working at the coalface. I received a letter today from a network of these organisations, which include Crosscare Migrant Project, the Immigrant Council of Ireland, the Migrants Rights Centre, the Irish Immigrant Support Centre, Doras Luimní, the Integration Centre, the Irish Refugee Council and others. They all highlight this particular provision for summary deportation.
    But he unwisely opposes the direct-provision system, despite it being necessary to deter exploitation of the asylum-system for economic-reasons, and to prevent employers exploiting cheap, illegal foreign labour:
    Quote Originally Posted by Pat Rabbitte
    The Irish Human Rights Commission has highlighted the fact that Ireland is out of step with the EU free movement directive. We have not had a submission from the Irish Human Rights Commission on this Bill. I heard Deputy Shatter advert to the fact that it is constrained because of recent decisions relating to financial provision. Within certain conditions, the Labour Party will seek to amend the Bill to address this central issue of the right to family reunification.
    When responding, will the Minister outline the implications for the direct provision system following the enactment of the Bill? The current system whereby asylum seekers are detained in direct provision accommodation for unconscionably prolonged duration is simply indefensible. People who find themselves in this accommodation are not allowed to work or study. It is a dispiriting and demoralising experience as people are left to languish in such conditions for years. This gives rise to health and psychological problems. As one participant put it: “At least as a prisoner you know when you are getting out – not when you are an asylum seeker”.
    Rabbitte even links direct-provision to domestic-violence :
    The direct provision system gives rise to particular difficulties for women. I take it the Minister has had it drawn to his attention that an organisation called AkiDwa has produced an authoritative report on the experiences of women seeking asylum in Ireland. It would make very uncomfortable reading for any Member of this House. One woman in direct provision summed up the thoughts of many women in these circumstances. She stated:
    Men feel frustrated because they can’t provide and they take it out on women. It means that women get abuse from inside the home and from outside. Men feel pressure, but women feel more.
    It is in the small everyday experiences listed in the report that one finds the best insights. The report quotes someone as stating:
    When you have a problem with someone, you don’t have space to get away from the problem. Little things get blown out of proportion. It’s like mental torture.
    According to the report: “As of December 2009, there were 6,482 people living in direct provision accommodation awaiting decisions on their asylum, protection and leave to remain cases. Of this number, there were 1,859 women and 987 girls, with 50 per cent of all residents in direct provision being families. Over half of all residents have lived in centres for two years or more, and almost a third have lived in centres for three years or more.”
    The Minister has a great deal on his plate and he may not have had the opportunity to glance through this report. It seems from the methodology applied, and allowing for the capacity of human nature to exaggerate, that it is a sad commentary that we created this direct provision system which was designed to deal with the explosion in the numbers in the early days and the lack of familiarity with the processes here.
    Quote Originally Posted by acme
    Secondly they suggest there it is a massive problem, yet they cannot provide any genuine figures, only hearsay.
    There are echoes in that argument of the Citizenship Referendum debate where the no side argued there were no statistics to prove the prevelance of citizenship-tourism. There was - just as there is for marriage-tourism:
    Quote Originally Posted by Irish Independent
    The European Court found that our law in relation to using marriage to assist illegal immigration was contrary to the EU's "freedom of movement" laws. Immediately after the European Court ruling, the number of apparent marriages of convenience between illegal immigrants and girls from Baltic states shot up from 544 cases in 2008 to 1,100 cases last year. ..
    The minister told how the 2009 statistics on spouses show that, out of the 384 Pakistani applications, 110 were based on marriages to Latvian EU citizens, 50 were marriages to Polish citizens, and 47 marriages were to Estonians.
    He said in general the Pakistani spouses tend to be students or former students with no immigration permission, while Nigerians are more than likely to be failed asylum seekers. Nigerians made up the next biggest group, with 115 applications for EU or Irish citizenship based on marriage to EU nationals.
    The clandestine nature of illegal-immigration means this is likely to be the tip of the ice-berg.
    Last edited by FutureTaoiseach; 8th October 2010 at 01:57 AM.

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